Family conflicts seeminevitable . At the least, conflicts are a ubiquitous part of allfamilies at some times in their history. Just as the reasons for conflicts betweenindividuals, on the one hand, or nations, on the others, varies, so too do the reasons forconflicts in families. For example, adolescents report that conflicts often arise becausethey feel that parents are not providing the emotional support they want, or because youthor parents believe the other generation is not meeting the expectations held for them, orbecause of a lack of consensus about family or societal values .
In turn, in a study of over 1,800 Latino, African American, and EuropeanAmerican parents of adolescents, conflicts were said to occur in the main over everydaymatters, such as chores and style of dress, rather than in regard to substantive issues, suchas sex and drugs . [Similar findings were reported in research conducted ageneration earlier , suggesting that the nature of parents' views ofreasons for arguing with their children may not change very much across time.] Parentsfrom all racial/ethnic groups reported arguing about the same issues; however, EuropeanAmerican parents reported more conflict than parents from the other two groups (Barber,1994).
Certainly, receiving support from one's parents may elicit in the young personfeelings of positive regard, or emotions characterized by a sense of attachment. Whensuch emotions occur in adolescence, positive outcomes for the youth are seen. Forinstance, parent child relations marked by attachment are associated with high self-perceived competence, especially across the transition to junior high school, and with lowfeelings of depression or anxiety (Papini & Roggman, 1992). In addition, attachment islinked to feeling cohesive with one's family . Otherresearch has found also relationships among attachment, a positive sense of self, and lowlevels of problematic behaviors/emotions, such as depression .
Answerability can be loosely translated to mean responsibility, which Bakhtin notes is a singularly individual act located within social and cultural dimensions. The answerable act is one that recognizes how ethics are situated and non-transferable--you can't expect anyone else to do what is yours to do. This comes in part from Bakhtin's view that the ethical is not formulaic or generalizable but wholly bound to the life of individual actors. The peculiar phrasing of "non-alibi" is the instantiation of this ethics-in-lived-experience; the idea that there is no "get out of jail free" card - you have no alibi for not doing what is right. "the act is something around which I wrap my responsibility: the focus is singular and radically personal. Tone, intonation, and unrepeatability combine to create the "ultimate singular unity (edinstvo) of each of my acts. (Morson & Emerson, 1990, p. 75).
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The notion of answerability is applicable to the topic of parents and education in the ways that authors posit responsibility for action. It operates at two levels: in their descriptions of home school relations and in framing of the problem as a topic for inquriy. In terms of their descriptions, answerability can frame questions such as: How do they set up the definition of the relationships between home and school? And who is responsible for actions and interactions within the interactions around education? What acts are seen as ethical and to whom must we answer for our work? In contrast, answerability is also a consideration for scholars, who by the way they theorize and develop their research, place themselves within maps for ethical action. What roles do scholars set up for inquiry? What potential actions are seen as appropriate or necessary? To what ends are we undertaking research and who might benefit from those outcomes?
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In short, the rearing of adolescents is not accomplished in the same way and withthe same outcomes by all parents. Adults vary in their parenting styles and in the mannerin which they socialize their children. This variation is linked to different individualcharacteristics of parents and, as well, to the features of the proximal and distal contextswithin which parents and families are embedded. This variation is associated also withdifferences in other contextual factors--relating, for instance, to parental education,family social support, parental mental health, family stability, and poverty.
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The process through which parents' stress is linked to adolescent problems seemsto involve the experience of depression in parents as a consequence of their stress which,in turn, disrupts effective parental discipline, and leads to adolescent problem behaviors. Other research finds that parental depression isassociated with depression in youth , and that ineffectiveparenting behaviors (e.g., low self-restraint among fathers) eventuates in problembehaviors in their offspring ; ;; .